The purpose of this study was to describe phonological skills in Korean-English bilingual children aged between 3;0 and 7;11. The findings can contribute to our knowledge of bilingual children’s phonological development, facilitating the clinical assessment procedures for bilingual children with suspected speech sound disorders.
Single word samples were collected and were analysed for phonetic inventory and segmental accuracy. The findings were compared against the available monolingual studies.
The age of mastery of phonological systems was similar to that expected in monolingual children in both languages. However, there were considerable differences in the trajectory towards in their phonological development in both languages.
Phonological development in KEB children was qualitatively different from respective monolingual children. The qualitative differences in KEB children can be attributed to the cross-linguistic interaction between the two phonological systems. Cross-linguistic interactions reflect reorganisation of the two phonological systems wherein a dynamic process of re-specifying phonemes and their realisation rules for each language takes place. The clinical implications are discussed.
Speech sound disorders of unknown origin (henceforth SSD) are common in childhood [
One way to address this issue may be to explain how bilingual phonological development is different from monolingual phonological development, thereby predicting, or at least describing with reasonable accuracy, the rates and patterns of bilingual phonological development based on the available monolingual normative data. The Interactional Dual Systems (IDS) model suggests bilingual children have two separate phonological systems that are interdependent of each other in development [
Regarding the third hypothesised manifestation, transfer, the IDS model states that “consonants and/or vowels that are specific to one language will transfer to productions of the other language” [
The qualitative and quantitative differences in phonological development between monolingual and bilingual children have been attributed to cross-linguistic interactions between the two phonological systems [
The primary aim of the current study was to provide detailed descriptions of phonological skills in Korean-English bilingual (KEB) children growing up in New Zealand. To date there are only a handful of studies on KEB children’s phonological development, most of which are case studies [
Between voiced segments, the Korean lax series can be realised as their voiced allophones [
Korean alveolar fricatives only have a two-way distinction classified by the degree of tenseness. The lax fricative, /s/, is never voiced but can be palatalised before high front vowel and slackened intervocalically [
The contrasts and phonotactic constraints on nasal consonants are similar between the two languages. The Korean liquid is realised as [l] in word final position and in a sequence of two liquids at a syllable boundary (e.g. /ol.la.ka.ta/), but as [ɾ] in word initial position or intervocalically. No native Korean words begin with the liquid but English loanwords do [
On vowels, English has the phonemic lax-tense distinction (e.g.
Korean does not permit consonant clusters within a syllable, whereas complex onset and coda are observed in English. In Korean, a sequence of two consonants can occur at syllable boundary (e.g. /tshim.te/). A sequence of the same consonants is also permitted in the case of /m/, /n/ or /l/ at syllable boundary (e.g. /ʌm.ma/). Korean stops in word final position are always unreleased and unaspirated. The slight puff of air realised in English word final stops is not observed in Korean [
In the current article, the term, phonological skills, refers to the phonetic inventory and segmental accuracy. While these measures of phonological skills have been used widely in research and clinically, there are considerable differences in the way they have been defined [
Consonants produced at least once spontaneously or in imitation are included in the phonetic inventory [
Generally, stops are acquired earlier than other consonant classes in both languages. MK children tend to acquire speech sounds earlier in syllable initial position than in syllable final position, with the exception of the liquid. The liquid in syllable initial position, which is realised as [ɾ], is mastered only after 5;6. There are noticeable differences in shared speech sounds in terms of the age of acquisition. The most striking difference in segmental acquisition between the two groups of monolingual children is the age of acquisition of /s/. While ME children master /s/ at the of three years, it is mastered after the age of six years in MK children [
Segmental accuracy is calculated by means of a relational analysis in which the child’s productions are analysed against the target responses. PCC is calculated by dividing the total number of consonants by the number of correctly produced consonants and converting into a percentage score. Similarly, percentage of vowels correct (PVC) is also used, albeit to a lesser extent in older children. ME children master all vowels by the age of three years [
The current study set out to recruit typically developing KEB children aged between 3;0 and 7;11 in New Zealand. Children were considered bilingual if (a) they were receiving regular and consistent input in both English and Korean and (b) the parents reported that their children were bilingual. Children were considered typically developing, if they did not have any conditions known to impact on speech/language development (e.g. hearing loss, craniofacial anomaly, autism spectrum disorder). In total, parents of 244 children were contacted about the study. Of those, parents of 20 children agreed to participate (8.2% of those contacted). An additional 32 children were recruited via chain-referral sampling, making up a total of 52 children.
All children in the study were exposed to the Korean language from birth, regardless of where they were born. Age of English language exposure (in months) varied greatly (mean= 19.87 months; SD=18.76). Of the 52 children in the study, 38 were born in New Zealand. Only 20 of these were exposed to the English language from birth. For those who were born in South Korea, the age of arrival in New Zealand (in months) is given in parentheses in
Eight of the 52 children had a father who was a monolingual English speaker and a Korean mother (3D, 3H, 4C, 5E, 5J, 7A, 7D, and 7E). These were among 12 children who were receiving greater input in English than in Korean. For all children, the primary source (i.e. the greatest amount of relative exposure) of Korean language exposure was the home environment.
The mean age of mothers at the time the child was born was 32.08 years (SD=3.76; min=26; max=43). On average, the mothers had 16.64 years of formal education (SD=2.22; min=12; max=25) and fathers had 16.93 years of formal education (SD=2.40; min=12; max=25). The mean annual household income, estimated from the recent population census [
The Diagnostic Evaluation of Articulation and Phonology (DEAP) [
The first author transcribed children’s responses on-line and completed the phonetic transcriptions from the audio-recording for all children. Two independent transcribers with experience in phonetic transcription and working with children with SSD re-transcribed 10% of the data. The percentage of agreement with the phonetic transcriptions done by the first author was 95.0% for English and 96.4% for Korean. The small number of disagreements in the phonetic transcriptions were discussed with other independent transcribers to determine the final transcriptions to be used for analysis.
The analyses were kept close the methods used in the monolingual normative studies in English [
Inferential statistical analysis took into consideration the inherent sampling biases in studies of bilinguals in a country where they are a minority population [
For comparison with monolingual children, the consonant inventories of individual children were compared against the age of acquisition of consonants from monolingual studies. The child’s phonological development was considered decelerated if the speech sounds expected to be mastered by monolingual children of the same age group were not in the child’s inventory. The child’s phonological development was considered accelerated if the speech sounds expected to be mastered in an older age group by the monolingual standard were present in the KEB child’s consonant inventory. To compare the PCC scores, KEB children who obtained a PCC score that fell one standard deviation below the normative age group mean were considered to be decelerated and those who scored above one standard deviation were considered to be accelerated in phonological development. Potential factors associated with acceleration and deceleration were also explored, using a descriptive comparison based on standard deviations and inferential statistics using Mann-Whitney U and Chi-square (χ2) tests. Lastly, transfer is only concerned with production of language-specific speech sounds in the other language, as framed within the IDS model [
English and Korean stops were present in all KEB children. To be consistent with the MK normative study [
Production of fricatives was variable, especially for younger children and for English. In Korean, /s/ was produced by all KEB children expect for two children (3C and 3E) in the youngest age group. All KEB children aged five years or older had /s*/ in their consonant inventory. Only one or two children in each age group did not produce /s*/ in the younger age groups. The children who produced /s*/ also had /s/ in their inventory but not
One child (4B) did not produce any English affricate consonants (but produced all Korean affricates). One child (3C) did not produce /ts*/ (Korean affricate) but produced all other affricates (in both Korean and English). The remaining children produced all affricates in both languages. Younger KEB children were more accurate in producing Korean affricates than English affricates (
All nasals were present in the consonant inventories of KEB children except for one child (3E), who did not produce /ŋ/ in Korean but did produce it in English. Contrary to the findings from MK children [
English /l/ was produced by all KEB children except for one child (3L). The English rhotic consonant was produced by some younger children but it is not until after 5;6, when the majority of KEB produced /ɹ/. To be consistent with the MK normative study, we specified syllable positions for the Korean liquid. All KEB children produced /l/ in syllable final position. The majority of the youngest age group did not produce /l/ in syllable initial position (only 3C produced /l/ in syllable initial position). In the older age groups, most children produced /l/ in syllable initial position with the exception of 3H, 4B, 4C and 4H. Three children (4H, 6H and 6L) produced /l/ in syllable initial position but produced it as [l] not as its correct allophonic variant, [ɾ]. Production accuracy of liquids in each language is shown in
Only English glides are reported. All KEB children produced /w/, and only by the age of six years did all KEB children produced /j/. In age groups younger than 6;0, there were eight children (3A, 3D, 3H, 3K, 3L, 4C, 5B and 5L) who did not produce /j/, which is reflected in the production accuracy of glides in
The results from the regression analyses are summarised in
The consonant inventories were compared against the age of acquisition of consonants of the respective monolingual studies (
The PCC scores of the current study were compared to the previous monolingual studies in
When the PCC scores of the bilingual children were compared against the ME normative data, 28.89% of the bilingual children obtained a PCC score that was one standard deviation below the age group means provided in Dodd et al. [
The characteristics of the children who obtained a PCC score one standard deviation below and those that scored within one standard deviation of the monolingual normative means were compared using Mann-Whitney U and Chi-square tests. The results are summarised in
In Korean, the two groups differed only in the number of contexts in which they were receiving Korean language exposure. The KEB children who scored within the MK age group means tended to be exposed to a greater number of Korean language environments (mean=3.13, SD=1.586) than those who scored one standard deviation below the MK norms (mean=1.71, SD=1.113).
There were two children (4A and 6E) who substituted [θ] for /s/ or /s*/ in Korean (five occurrences for each child), which can be taken as evidence of transfer of an English-specific speech sound (interdental fricative) in the production of Korean words. These two children were siblings. Both were male, born in New Zealand and Korean-language dominant (as revealed by the proportion of language exposure). Evidence of Korean-language specific consonants produced in English words was also found. Eleven children (21.2%) substituted Korean affricate consonants for English affricate consonants (e.g. [wɔtsh] for /wɔtʃ/). Such substitutions were observed only sporadically for most children. There were no unifying characteristics of these children who produced the Korean-specific consonants in English.
The age of completion of the consonant inventory in the KEB children was comparable to monolingual children in both languages. However, the trajectories towards the completion of the inventories were different from the monolingual children in both languages. The majority of KEB children produced all Korean consonants by the age of four years with the exception of /s*/ (and /l/ in syllable initial position). As a general trend, /s*/ appeared to be mastered after 4;6. Although all children produced [l], its allophonic variant, [ɾ], appeared to be mastered after 4;6. In English, all stops, affricates, nasals, /l/ and /w/ appeared to be mastered before 3;6. Unlike Korean, no three-year-old child had a complete consonant inventory in English. The youngest child to have a complete English consonant inventory was 4G (aged 4;11). Age of mastery of /ɹ/ and /j/ appeared to be after 5;6 and 5;0, respectively. English fricatives could be categorised into early-, middle- and late-developing groups. Early-developing fricatives were /f, v, s, ʃ, h/, middle-developing fricatives were /z, θ/ and the late group included /ð, ʒ/.
The PPC scores were higher in Korean than in English in younger age groups, whereas the opposite trend was observed in older age groups. English stops and nasals reached 100% accuracy but KEB children continued to produce errors in Korean stops and nasals at the age of seven years. Lower accuracy of the Korean fricatives and liquid in older age groups also contributed to this trend. The English PCC scores in younger age groups were particularly low, which can be attributed to low accuracy of fricatives, affricates and liquids. Errors in English fricative consonants were particularly high. The PVC scores were generally higher in English than in Korean, except for the youngest age group. The trend for lower PVC scores in Korean can be attributed to the post-consonantal glide deletion in Korean across the age groups.
We also investigated potential factors influencing phonological development in KEB children. Chronological age was the most influential factor, which is consistent with a previous cross-sectional study in Cantonese-English bilingual children with a similar sample size [
We found that the number of different contexts in which the children were receiving language input influenced their phonological skills. Greater number of different Korean language contexts was associated with higher Korean PCC scores. This finding is consistent with previous studies examining the properties of language input in bilingual children’s language development [
Deceleration was not the norm in the current study, as suggested previously [
KEB children whose Korean PCC scores were lower than the MK age group means tended to be exposed to fewer Korean language contexts than those who scored comparably with the MK children. Children with English PCC scores that were lower than ME age group means were associated with younger age, less exposure to English and fewer English language contexts. These findings also appear to support the suggestion that the number of different language contexts to which the KEB children are exposed influences their segmental accuracy.
Segmental accuracy results of the current study therefore support deceleration, but not acceleration, as predicted by the IDS model. Note that deceleration in the IDS model was defined in quantitative terms (“overall progress”) but acceleration in qualitative terms (“a certain property”) [
The current study focused on the manifestation of cross-linguistic effects at points of structural overlap between Korean and English. At points of structural overlap, we found equivocal evidence that cross-linguistic effects were manifested, as suggested by Hulk and Müller [
Transfer is worth further discussion. Although the evidence for transfer was scarce in previous literature, we found evidence for transfer as framed within the IDS model. However, there are some questions regarding the nature of transfer. The two children who produced [θ] for /s/ in Korean appear to support the hypothesised manifestation in the IDS model, as /θ/ is a phoneme specific to English. However, such a pattern of erroneous productions is a common developmental error pattern in MK children [
Although KEB children had /s/, /ʃ/ and /tʃ/ in their English consonant inventory, they were not always produced accurately (see
The current study has two limitations that should be noted. One obvious limitation is the small sample size. Only with a sufficiently large sample of KEB children, we can provide valuable KEB-specific normative data essential for accurately identifying KEB children with SSD. As mentioned, interpreting our statistical analyses require caution due to the small sample size. Moreover, the current study did not include approximately equal number of children in each age group. For example, only three children between the ages of 4;0 and 4;5 were recruited in the current study. This is likely the reason why the PCC scores for that age group deviates from what would be expected in developmental trend (see
Large-scale cross-sectional studies are undeniably useful in describing the developmental trends of KEB children as a population. As a recent study pointed out [
At present, one of the most significant challenges faced by SLPs is the lack of information about typical phonological development in bilingual children [
We suggested that bilingual phonological development is characterised by both developmental processes and cross-linguistic effects [
Reported language-mixing behaviours of the primary carers when speaking to their children.
Production accuracy of stops (error bars represent standard deviations).
Production accuracy of fricatives (error bars represent standard deviations).
Production accuracy of affricates (error bars represent standard deviations).
Production accuracy of nasals (error bars represent standard deviations).
Production accuracy of liquids (error bars represent standard deviations).
Production accuracy of glides (error bars represent standard deviations).
Comparison of percentage of consonants correct (PCC) between monolingual English-speaking children and the bilingual children of the current study (error bars show standard deviations).
Comparison of percentage of consonants correct (PCC) between monolingual Korean-speaking children and the bilingual children of the current study (error bars show standard deviations).
Percentage of children who obtained a percentage of consonants correct (PCC) score one standard deviation below the monolingual age group means.
Comparison of Korean and English phonologies (New Zealand English is described here)
Consonants | ||
Stops | p, p*, ph, t, t*, th, k, k*, kh | p, b, t, d, k, g |
Affricates | ts, ts*, tsh | ʧ, ʤ |
Fricatives | s, s*, h | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
Nasals | n, m, ŋ | n, m, ŋ |
Liquids | l | l, ɹ |
Glides | No phonemic glides | j, w |
Vowels | ||
Monophthongs | i, e, ɨ, ʌ, a, u, o | i, ɪ, e, æ, u, ʊ, ɒ, ɜ, ɔ, ʌ, a, ə |
Diphthongs | ui, ie, ue, ɨi, iʌ, uʌ, ia, ua, iu, io | eɪ, ɔɪ, ai, aʊ, oʊ, iə, eə, uə |
Syllables | ||
Clusters | No consonant clusters within a syllable | Up to three consonants as onset and four consonants in coda position |
Onset | All consonants permitted except for /ŋ/ | All consonants permitted except for /ŋ/ |
Coda | Only lax stops, nasals and liquid permitted | All consonants permitted except for /ɹ, j, w, h/ |
Age of acquisition of consonants in monolingual children
3;0–3;5 | p, b, t, d, k, g | p (SI), p*, ph, t* |
m, n, ŋ | ||
f, v, s, z, h | h | |
l, w, j | ||
3;5–3;11 | ʧ | p (SF) |
4;0–4;5 | t (SI), k (SI) | |
m (SF), n (SF) | ||
ʒ | ||
ʤ | ts, ts*, tsh | |
4;6–4;11 | k (SF), kh | |
ŋ | ||
5;0–5;5 | ʃ | |
5;6–5;11 | l (SI) | |
6;0–6;5 | ɹ | |
6;6–6;11 | ||
7;0- | θ, ð | s, s* |
Percentage of consonants correct in monolingual children (standard deviations in the parentheses)
3;0–3;5 | 82.11 (13.0) | 82.36 (11.03) |
3;6–3;11 | 88.08 (7.37) | |
4;0–4;5 | 90.37 (9.05) | 92.19 (7.47) |
4;6–4;11 | 93.71 (7.35) | |
5;0–5;5 | 94.38 (5.86) | |
5;6–5;11 | 95.86 (5.2) | 96.76 (3.81) |
6;0–6;5 | 97.29 (3.51) | |
6;6–6;11 | Not included |
Characteristics of the participants
3A | 3;0 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 13.00 | 5G | 5;6 | M | New Zealand | 48 | 1.11 |
3B | 3;1 | M | New Zealand | 36 | 7.17 | 5H | 5;6 | F | New Zealand | 60 | 1.28 |
3C | 3;1 | M | New Zealand | 34 | 4.06 | 5I | 5;6 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 2.38 |
3D | 3;2 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 0.69 | 5J | 5;8 | M | New Zealand | 18 | 0.37 |
3E | 3;4 | M | Korea (35) | 36 | 1.44 | 5K | 5;8 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 1.28 |
3F | 3;6 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 3.09 | 5L | 5;10 | F | Korea (45) | 36 | 0.59 |
3G | 3;7 | F | Korea (12) | 41 | 4.06 | 5M | 5;11 | M | New Zealand | 27 | 1.86 |
3H | 3;9 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 0.31 | 6A | 6;0 | M | Korea (17) | 30 | 2.27 |
3I | 3;9 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 2.50 | 6B | 6;0 | F | Korea (67) | 55 | 2.72 |
3J | 3;11 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 2.37 | 6C | 6;1 | M | New Zealand | 42 | 1.88 |
3K | 3;11 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 2.28 | 6D | 6;2 | M | New Zealand | 42 | 1.67 |
3L | 3;11 | F | New Zealand | 27 | 2.16 | 6E | 6;3 | M | New Zealand | 18 | 1.33 |
4A | 4;0 | M | New Zealand | 34 | 1.33 | 6F | 6;6 | F | Korea (14) | 36 | 0.79 |
4B | 4;3 | F | Korea (7) | 7 | 4.83 | 6G | 6;6 | M | New Zealand | 36 | 1.71 |
4C | 4;3 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 0.66 | 6H | 6;6 | M | New Zealand | 36 | 2.03 |
4D | 4;7 | M | Korea (9) | 9 | 3.15 | 6I | 6;7 | F | New Zealand | 24 | 1.18 |
4E | 4;8 | F | Korea (35) | 46 | 5.05 | 6J | 6;9 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 0.86 |
4F | 4;8 | F | New Zealand | 12 | 1.77 | 6K | 6;9 | F | New Zealand | 5 | 1.38 |
4G | 4;11 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 1.03 | 6L | 6;11 | F | Korea (18) | 30 | 1.51 |
4H | 4;11 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 2.50 | 7A | 7;4 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 0.70 |
5A | 5;0 | M | New Zealand | 39 | 2.03 | 7B | 7;4 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 1.35 |
5B | 5;1 | F | Korea (34) | 38 | 1.19 | 7C | 7;6 | F | Korea (62) | 37 | 1.23 |
5C | 5;1 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 1.80 | 7D | 7;6 | M | New Zealand | 0 | 0.07 |
5D | 5;1 | F | Korea (3) | 24 | 1.33 | 7E | 7;6 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 0.64 |
5E | 5;3 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 0.70 | 7F | 7;9 | F | New Zealand | 0 | 2.27 |
5F | 5;5 | F | New Zealand | 34 | 1.65 | 7G | 7;11 | F | Korea (70) | 36 | 0.72 |
Percentage of consonants correct (PPC) and percentage of vowels correct (PVC) (standard deviations in the parentheses)
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3;0–3;5 | 64.39 (13.76) | 77.75 (9.39) | 93.81 (5.05) | 96.65 (1.30) |
3;6–3;11 | 75.58 (10.89) | 85.45 (5.06) | 96.15 (3.47) | 95.41 (2.74) |
4;0–4;5 | 72.33 (21.09) | 79.78 (10.17) | 97.00 (1.80) | 95.87 (0.73) |
4;6–4;11 | 85.81 (9.86) | 94.65 (3.61) | 97.69 (2.29) | 97.80 (1.02) |
5;0–5;5 | 92.32 (5.33) | 96.03 (2.73) | 99.36 (0.70) | 98.16 (1.85) |
5;6–5;11 | 89.67 (10.96) | 92.64 (7.81) | 99.63 (0.63) | 98.95 (1.79) |
6;0–6;5 | 93.33 (4.93) | 93.63 (4.24) | 97.44 (2.56) | 98.05 (2.81) |
6;6–6;11 | 97.37 (2.19) | 96.42 (2.83) | 99.63 (0.63) | 99.30 (0.96) |
7;0–7;5 | 99.65 (0.50) | 98.51 (0.70) | 100 (0) | 97.56 (1.72) |
7;6–7;11 | 99.01 (1.08) | 96.83 (2.56) | 100 (0) | 98.54 (1.34) |
English fricative inventory of Korean-English bilingual children
3A | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h | 5A | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3B | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h | 5B | f, v, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3C | v, s, z, ʃ, h | 5C | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h |
3D | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h | 5D | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3E | h | 5E | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, h |
3F | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h | 5F | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3G | s, ʃ, h | 5G | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h |
3H | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h | 5H | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3I | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h | 5I | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, h |
3G | f, v, θ, s, ʃ, h | 5J | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3K | f, v, s, ʃ, h | 5K | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
3L | f, v, s, ʃ, h | 5L | f, v, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
4A | f, θ, v, s, z, ʃ, h | 5M | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
4B | θ, h | 6A | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
4C | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h | 6B | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h |
4D | f, v, θ, s, ʃ, h | 6C | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, h |
4E | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h | 6D | f, v, θ, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
4F | f, v, ð, s, z, ʃ, h | 6E | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h |
4G | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, ʒ, h | 6F | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, h |
4H | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h | 6G | f, v, θ, ð, s, z, ʃ, h |
6H | f, v, s, z, ʃ, h |
Multiple linear regression results
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English PCC | 0.527 | 0.507 | 0.059 | 26.195 | <0.001 | Constant | 1.650 | 0.046 | 35.962 | <0.001 | 1.558 | 1.743 | |
Age | 0.003 | <0.001 | 0.691 | 6.868 | <0.001 | 0.002 | 0.004 | ||||||
Income | <0.001 | <0.001 | 0.117 | 1.757 | 0.085 | <0.001 | <0.001 | ||||||
English PVC | 0.394 | 0.369 | 0.011 | 15.305 | <0.001 | Constant | 1.963 | 0.006 | 316.242 | <0.001 | 1.951 | 1.976 | |
Age | <0.001 | <0.001 | 0.600 | 4.334 | <0.001 | <0.001 | 0.001 | ||||||
EngEx | <0.001 | <0.001 | −0.219 | −1.930 | 0.060 | <0.001 | <0.001 | ||||||
Korean PCC | 0.498 | 0.476 | 0.032 | 23.281 | <0.001 | Constant | 1.827 | 0.020 | 91.145 | <0.001 | 1.786 | 1.867 | |
Age | 0.002 | <0.001 | 0.635 | 6.144 | <0.001 | 0.001 | 0.002 | ||||||
KorNum | 0.008 | 0.003 | 0.292 | 2.819 | 0.007 | 0.002 | 0.015 | ||||||
Korean PVC | 0.349 | 0.322 | 0.008 | 12.626 | <0.001 | Constant | 1.971 | 0.004 | 441.974 | <0.001 | 1.962 | 1.980 | |
Age | <0.001 | <0.001 | 0.449 | 3.813 | <0.001 | <0.001 | <0.001 | ||||||
EngEx | <0.001 | <0.001 | 0.362 | 3.073 | 0.004 | <0.001 | <0.001 |
Consonant inventories of Korean-English bilingual children in comparison to monolingual children
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3A | θ, ʃ, tʃ, dʒ | j | p, t, th, k, k*, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, l, ŋ | 5G | ʒ | s, s* | |||
3B | ʃ, tʃ, dʒ | p, t, th, k, k*, kh, s, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, l, ŋ | 5H | θ, ɹ | s, s* | ||||
3C | ʃ, tʃ, dʒ, ɹ | f | p, t, th, k, k*, kh, ts, tsh, n, m, l, ŋ | 5I | θ, ð | ʒ | s, s* | ||
3D | θ, ʃ, tʃ, dʒ, ɹ | j | p, t, th, k, k*, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, l, ŋ | 5J | θ, ð, ɹ | s, s* | |||
3E | tʃ, dʒ, ɹ | f, v, s, z | p, t, th, k, k*, kh, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, l | 5K | θ, ð, ɹ | s, s* | |||
3F | θ, ʃ, ʒ, dʒ | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 5L | ɹ | s, j | s, s* | |||
3G | ʃ, dʒ | f, v, z | t, k, kh, s, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 5M | θ, ð, ɹ | s, s* | |||
3H | θ, ʃ, ʒ, dʒ | j | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 6A | θ, ð | s, s* | |||
3I | θ, ʃ, dʒ | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 6B | θ | ʒ, ɹ | s, s* | |||
3G | θ, ʃ, dʒ | z | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 6C | θ | ʒ | s, s* | ||
3K | ʃ, dʒ, ɹ | z, j | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 6D | θ | s, s* | |||
3L | ʃ, dʒ | z, l, j | t, k, kh, s, s*, ts, ts*, tsh, n, m, ŋ | 6E | s, s* | ||||
4A | ʃ | ʒ | kh, s, ŋ | 6F | θ, ð | ʒ | s, s* | ||
4B | θ | f, v, s, z, ʒ, tʃ, dʒ | kh, s, ŋ | h | 6G | θ, ð | ʒ | s, s* | |
4C | θ, ʃ | ʒ, j | kh, s, s*, ŋ | 6H | ʒ | s, s* | |||
4D | θ, ʃ | ʒ | s, s* | 6I | θ, ð | s, s* | |||
4E | ʃ, ɹ | ʒ | s, s* | 6J | θ, ð | s, s* | |||
4F | ð, ʃ | ʒ | s, s* | 6K | θ, ð | s, s* | |||
4G | θ, ð, ʃ, ɹ | s, s* | 6L | θ, ð | s, s* | ||||
4H | ʃ, ɹ | ʒ | s | 7A | |||||
5A | θ, ð, ɹ | s, s* | 7B | ||||||
5B | j | s, s* | 7C | ʒ | |||||
5C | ʒ | s, s* | 7D | ||||||
5D | θ, ð | s, s* | 7E | ||||||
5E | ɹ | ʒ | s, s* | 7F | |||||
5F | θ, ð, ɹ | s, s* | 7G |
Comparison of the characteristics between the Korean-English bilingual children whose percentage of consonants correct was one standard deviation below and within one standard deviation of the age group means of monolingual normative studies
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Age | 114.00 | 0.018 | −0.351 | 82.00 | 0.318 | −0.162 |
Age of first English exposure | 191.50 | 0.673 | −0.063 | 61.00 | 0.066 | −0.347 |
Proportion of language exposure | 108.00 | 0.012 | −0.373 | 99.50 | 0.735 | −0.055 |
Number of contexts for English | 128.00 | 0.033 | −0.117 | 68.00 | 0.105 | −0.263 |
Number of contexts for Korean | 177.50 | 0.433 | −0.318 | 53.00 | 0.032 | −0.347 |
Mother’s age | 183.00 | 0.531 | −0.093 | 96.50 | 0.651 | −0.073 |
Mother’s education | 171.50 | 0.515 | −0.099 | 97.50 | 0.867 | −0.028 |
Annual household income | 197.00 | 0.780 | −0.043 | 97.00 | 0.660 | −0.071 |